Monday, May 14, 2012

Cartoons All! Politicians and Self-Seekers

 
 
 

http://kafila.org/2012/05/14/cartoons-all-politicians-and-self-seekers/ 


Cartoons All! Politicians and Self-Seekers

MAY 14, 2012

The uproar over what is being referred to as the 'Ambedkar cartoon' in the class XI textbook prepared by NCERT first began over a month ago, that is to say, almost six years after the books have been in circulation, been taught and received high praise for their lively style and a critical pedagogical approach (more on this below).  It was a political party – one of the factions of the Republican Party of India – that decided to kick up a ruckus over 'the issue' – that is, the 'affront' to Dr Ambedkar that the cartoon in question supposedly constitutes, and the resultant 'hurt sentiments' that it has caused. Very soon everyone began to fall in line, and practically every member of our august Parliament was vying with one other to prove that  they were indeed more hurt than their colleagues. One of them, Shri Ram Vilas Paswan has even demanded that the NCERT itself should be dissolved!

Good old Jurgen Habermas – and good old Habermasians  - have always invested a lot in forums like the parliament, that are to them the hallowed institutions of 'rational-critical discourse' where through reasoned argument people convince each other. That is how the voice of Reason ultimately prevails in democracies. I have always been suspicious of this claim and have thought that Habermas' empirical work on the decline ('structural transformation') of the public sphere was more insightful than his normative fantasies. Long long ago, his empirical work on the transformation of the public sphere showed that it was the rise of political parties that had actually destroyed all possibilities of 'rational-critical discourse', where organized passion in the service of immediate political interests carried the day.

But believe it or not, the text book and the cartoon that is now in the eye of the storm, isnormatively speaking a Habermasian tract. In other words, it invests too much in this fantasy of rational communication. The text below the cartoon (reproduced above) says:

" Cartoonist's impression of the snail's pace with which the Constitution was made. Making of the constitution took almost three years . Is the cartoonist commenting on this fact? Why do you think the Constituent Assembly took so long to make the Constitution?"And much as I personally disagree with this  romantic representation of what went on inside the Constituent Assembly, here is what the textbook it self has to say, perhaps as its own answer to the question posed in the text below the cartoon:

"Each member deliberated upon the Constitution with the interests of the whole nation in mind. There were often disagreements amongst members but few of these disagreements could be traced to members protecting their own interests…

The Constitution drew its authority from the fact that members of the Constituent Assembly engaged in what one might call public reason. The members of the Assembly placed a great emphasis on discussion and reasoned argument…The very act of giving reasons to others makes you move away from simply a narrow consideration of your own interest because you have to give reasons to others to make them go along with your view point. The voluminous debates in the  Constituent Assembly, where each clause of the Constitution was subjected to scrutiny and debate, is a tribute to public reason at its best." (pages 17-18)

One of the reasons for the delay was perhaps, in the view of the text, this emphasis on deliberation. It is this textbook, by the way, that perhaps for the first time, gave Ambedkar the place in the history of modern India that he deserves,  a fact lost today in the cacophony that marks Parliament, as the cartoons inhabiting it strut about making speeches outdoing one another in idiocy.

What is worse, of course, is that now Ambedkar has become the excuse for all manner of politicians to claim that it is not just him but all politicians who are being denigrated by the use of cartoons in the textbooks. Apparently a 40 member body of parliamentarians is now seized of the matter and has taken up the task of cleansing the textbooks. According to a report in The Indian Express, a letter by Saroj Yadav, head of the Department of Education in Social Sciences (where??) has written to one of the supervisors of the NCERT textbooks, that the forum of MPs felt "the cartoons show disrespect to politicians and depict them in a very poor way. " Apparently the esteemed members held that "depicting politicians in a poor light in textbooks for children of impressionable age erodes their faith in democracy and in politicians (the tautulogy is in the original letter as cited in the TOI report) in general."

So it is not really the multi-crore scams that politicians are involved in, the loot of the mineral and other resources that they make possible, the fixing of ministers, the cash for votes in parliament, MP's watching porn on their laptops while parliament is in session – it's not any of this that really erodes people's faith in democracy. The real culprit is the depiction of this in cartoons!

We need to go back to the cartoons – each one of those that the MPs want deleted, and have a public debate in the only place a reasoned debate is possible – outside the parliament, in the public, in academic institutions, in seminars and discussions. And let us call all the self-righteous MPs to come and explain to us – bewildered citizens – what is it that they are objecting to and why.

In conclusion, some background about these textbooks, placed on record for what it is worth. The NDA government had reduced NCERT to a pathetic forum  peddling the ruling Hindutva ideology in textbooks, and after its exit, the question of rewriting textbooks came up afresh on the agenda. That was when the National Curriculum Framework 2005 was produced, evolving out of an uncommonly democratic process, involving about three hundred people all over the country – teachers, academics and educational activists – over a period of seven months. After the NCF 2005 was released, it  was followed by a prolonged public debate. One opinion then expressed was that in order to 'detox', we needed to simply bring back the old, pre-NDA textbooks which upheld secular values etc. As opposed to this, there was another opinion, espoused by a large number of academics and educationists, that we needed to upgrade the textbooks in more ways than one. For one thing, many strides have been made in the field of knowledge and we cannot simply revert to older text books. Our new books should reflect the latest developments in thought. Secondly, the pedagogical question should now be placed on top of the agenda. The old textbooks that gave ready-made 'gyan' to students that they had to then memorize, should be replaced by more creatively produced textbooks that pushed students to think for themselves. The idea was to raise questions that would  encourage critical thinking among them. This also meant a move away from the boring, pedantic style of old textbooks. It meant further that even supposedly settled questions like those of 'secularism' would not be taught as if there is nothing to debate there. In this attempt to refashion textbooks, a huge public debate took place, first around the NCF 2005 in which hundreds of the best social scientists of the country participated, followed by an even more intensive collective process of textbook writing.

The process of actual writing of textbooks that followed, involved literally hundreds of teachers and researchers throughout the country. This process would not have been what it became but for the stewardship of the new NCERT Director, Krishna Kumar who made it into a veritable movement for writing textbooks across all disciplines. So it is misleading to see these textbooks as the outcome of the fertile imaginations of one or two individuals who became the public face of part of the process.  Indeed, some others like historian Neeladri Bhattacharya who co-ordinated the writing of the history textbooks, and educationist Sarada  Balagopal who co-ordinated the text-books on Social and Political Life, deliberately emphasized the collective nature of the process and placed themselves outside of any high profile publicity. It was over months of intensive collaborative discussions of drafts and repeated writings and re-writings, that these textbooks finally saw the light of day.

Now that politicians and MPs are seized of the matter, will the old debate be rekindled in the old way? Are we to go back to textboks that stifle the imagination of the learner? To get back to those good old days when no questions were encouraged?

But after all, text-books are only part of the universe of the student. How will you stop students outside the classroom from thinking for themselves, and and seeing for themselves who the actual cartoons are?


--

Sunday, May 13, 2012

On MOTHERS DAY!!!!

Remembering my beloved Mother today..She was a WOMAN of substance:of courage,generosity and love!
I thank God for the gift of her into our lives!
And remembering ALL MOTHERS of the world today...
specially those who struggle that their children have a better life...
WHO GIVE AND DO NOT COUNT THE COST!!with love and gratitude!
- - - - - - -     - - - - - - - -    - - - - - - -   - - - - -
PRASHANT   (A Centre for Human Rights, Justice and Peace)
Street Address : Hill Nagar, Near Kamdhenu Hall, Drive-in Road, Ahmedabad - 380052, Gujarat, India
Postal Address : P B 4050, Navrangpura PO, Ahmedabad - 380 009, Gujarat, India
 
Phone : 91  79   27455913,  66522333
Fax : 91  79  27489018
Email:
sjprashant@gmail.com     www.humanrightsindia.in

Saturday, May 12, 2012

Politics through Food Habits by Ram Puniyani( ISP II May 2012)

 
----- Original Message -----
Sent: Saturday, May 12, 2012 8:29 PM
Subject: politics through Food Habits ISP II May 2012

Politics through Food Habits

 

Ram Puniyani

 

In the middle of April 2012 Osmania University (OU) witnessed an unusual violence on the issue of eating beef. A section of dalit students' were demanding that University Hostels should have beef on the menu. They also organized a beef festival in which a large number of students ate beef biryani. The festivity was not to last long as the ABVP, the student wing of RSS, created rampage, a student was knifed, a bus was torched and ruckus was created in the university. The Vice Chancellor of OU knelt to the aggressive cow protectors and said that beef will not be introduced in the menu.

Just a month ago the in the Kurmaguda area of Hyderabad a group of youth associated with Hindu communal group were arrested for throwing beef inside a Hanuman temple, who later spread the word that Muslims have defiled our temple and turned their guns against the hapless minority, torched few buses. A little while ago the ruling BJP government in Madhya Pradesh had introduced a bill prohibiting the consumption of beef in the state. Other BJP ruled states in one form or the other are introducing legislations, which prohibit the slaughter of cow.

The place where Muslims were butchered mercilessly under the Chief mastership of Modi the 'care of cow' has gone one step up and state has opened centers for cataract and dental surgery of the Mother Cow. The goal of the Hindu state of Gujarat under Modi is to open more such centers so that Mother cow does not have to travel more than three kilometers for accessing these services, this while innumerable victims of Gujarat carnage, are yet to recover from the trauma of the carnage, aided by the apathy of state.

So far most of these legislations and the accompanying propaganda have been directed primarily against Muslim minority, which is demonized as the butchers and eaters of 'our holy cow'. The OU episode shows the other side of the agenda of cow politics. While there had been cases of murders of dalits on the pretext of skinning a dead cow (Jhajjar, Haryana) and VHP defending the act saying that cow is too holy to spare the dalits. Still primarily it is the Muslim community which has been the target of propaganda emanating from RSS- Combine stable.

With dalits, the other target of RSS combine, the issue is not just of identity. It is related to the livelihood and food habits of dalits-Adivasis. The cow as a symbol of RSS combine has been in the fore since the rise of communal politics during the British rule. As such the cow has been in the forefront of communal battles of upper castes in India earlier also. The Brahmanical reaction to rise of Buddhism was countered by putting forward the symbol of cow. Some Dalit scholars hold that cow was cleverly chosen and one of the reasons cow stole a march over the equally useful buffalo was its color. It is not a coincidence that the dark skinned people have faced the wrath of the elite in one form or the other.

The scholars of Vedic India Prof D.N.Jha, Dr. Pandurang Vaman Kane and champion of social justice Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, all have pointed out that cow was verily eaten during Vedic period. With the rise of agricultural society, and need for preserving cattle wealth; the religions-ideologies promoting non-violence in the form of Jainism and Buddhism came up and campaigned against senseless sacrifice of cow in Vedic yagnas (sacrificial ritual).  

The current communal politics has twin agenda. At surface it wants to subjugate the minorities and is using the emotive issues to create a mass hysteria against minorities. Lord Ram and Cow are the major tools of communal political mobilization. While the supporters of RSS combine generously donate for the welfare of cow, it is the dalits who practically take care of the grazing and other needs of Holy mother. Last some time a pressure is being built up culturally and politically that beef eating communities give up this integral part of their habit.

The food patterns are changing under intense propaganda still as of now the consumption of beef in India is higher than that of mutton and chicken put together. Its export is also a major business. The RSS combine on one side aims to subjugate the Minorities and on the other wants to maintain the status quo of social relationship of caste and gender. These are subtle and overt maneuvers implemented through political and cultural conduits. Attitude of communal politics to dalits has been a complex one. The anti dalit violence of 1980 against reservation, the anti OBC violence of 1986 against promotion of OBCs in jobs, and its strengthening of Kamandal politics (Rath Yatra and the Babri demolition) in response to Mandal were a part of this.

At another level the strategy is to co-opt dalits into Hindutva fold. From middle of decades of 1980s RSS has activated Samajik Samrasta Manch (Social Harmony Forum) which has been mobilizing dalits around that. The Gurus like Sri Sri Ravishanker have been saying that there should be harmony between upper and lower caste, while he keeps quiet about the prevalent social injustice in various forms. The aim of the communal politics is to maintain the status quo of caste and gender.

Through Samajik Samrasta Manch the message of undermining caste atrocities and social injustice is actively propagated. Supplementing this is the cultural assertion and imposition of elite norms on the whole society. Food habits are a part of culture and for large sections of dalits and Adiviasis beef had been an integral part of their food. Incidentally there is a vigorous campaign to promote vegetarianism and denigrate non vegetarian food practices.

While the large section of dalits is struggling for social and economic justice, a section of dalits is undergoing the process of sanskritization as well. It is in this light that the symbols of dalit assertion in the matters of food habits and cultural expressions are being attacked openly. The compromised state apparatus is not able to stand up to this onslaught of communal politics to preserve the social and democratic rights of dalits and other marginalized sections of society, be it the matters of their physical security, questions of equity and food habits. It is a blatant attempt to manipulate culture, to impose elite norms, through influencing the food habits, which are so much cultural in their nature.

It seems Mother Cow may be the major emotive weapon to be used for the politics deriving its legitimacy from Hindu religions' identity. Interestingly it reveals the twin goals of this politics. At surface it is to reduce the minorities to a status of second class citizen and at deeper level to subjugate dalits at social, political and cultural level.

 

--

Issues in Secular Politics

II May 2012

www.pluralindia.com

response only to ram.puniyani@gmail.com

 

Wednesday, May 02, 2012

Is Gujarat's red hot economy a myth?...from the BBC




Date: 2 May 2012




BBC News - Is Gujarat's red hot economy a myth?



Is Gujarat's red hot economy a myth?


Is Gujarat's so-called red-hot economic growth a myth peddled by the government of the controversial chief minister Narendra Modi?

Mr Modi, who was blamed for not doing enough to stop the horrific 2002 anti-Muslim riots in the state after the burning of a train carrying Hindu pilgrims, has modelled himself as a no-nonsense economic reformer leading one of India's fastest-growing states.

In March, a senior minister of his cabinet told me that Gujarat has been recording scorching double-digit growth, prompting even The Economist magazine to call it India's Guangdong. "Modi Means Business" said Time magazine when it put him on the cover recently.

But a raft of recent articles in the Indian media suggest that that Mr Modi's claims may be overblown.

Examining data on the economic performance of Indian states during a seven-year-period - 2004-11 - AK Bhattacharya, editor of Business Standard, is puzzled by Gujarat's performance.

He finds that its economy grew by 6.3% annually during this period, up from average growth every year of 3.6% - a relatively low base - in a 10-year period ending 2003.

'Breakout' state?

More interestingly, states like Uttarkhand (13.2%), Bihar (10.9%), Maharashtra (10.7%), Tamil Nadu (10.4%) and Haryana (10.1%) recorded double-digit growth in the seven-year period under review.

None of these states have the kind of hype associated with them as does Mr Modi's Gujarat, which is often called the most business friendly state in India.

Of the five states with double-digit growth, Mr Bhattacharya notes, three are ruled by the Congress party, which has come under fire in the capital for going slow on economic reforms!

So is Gujarat really the "breakout" state that Mr Modi wants the world to believe?

"It has seen the most stable of governments for the last several years," Mr Bhattacharya writes. "And yet, it has seen its growth hovering around 6% for the last seven years." Is there something amiss?

Analyst Salil Tripathi has written about how "of all the hype surrounding Mr Modi, the oddest are some of the claims concerning the state's economic performance". Gujarat, he says, "has done well in recent years, but it lost ground soon after the riots, picking up pace only later".

Mr Tripathi writes about how states like Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu and Uttar Pradesh have bigger economies, and Gujarat actually spends more than it has earned, thus depleting its surpluses.

Gujarat also signed on to a fiscal responsibility law only after five other states did, and 20 states preceded Gujarat in implementing value added tax.

I have written in the past on how Gujarat fares the worst among Indian states in terms of overall hunger and malnutrition - 45% of children there are malnourished, according to the latest Indian Human Development report.

The state also has a poor record in checking infant and maternal mortality. And as journalist Hartosh Singh Bal pointed out recently, Gujarat's ranking among states in terms of literacy (18th) had actually slipped one place, the year Mr Modi took over.

"These figures belie Mr Modi's reputation as an efficient administrator" he wrote. "But you wouldn't know it reading the foreign media."

So is Mr Modi a spinmeister or is there something everybody is missing?

-- 

PRASHANT 
-  A Centre for Human Rights, Justice and Peace
 
Street Address : (For COURIER)
Hill Nagar, Near Kamdhenu Hall, Drive-in Road, Ahmedabad - 380052, Gujarat, India
Postal Address (ONLY for ORDINARY MAIL):
 P B 4050, Navrangpura PO, Ahmedabad - 380 009, Gujarat, India
 
Phone : +91  79   27455913,  66522333
Fax : +91  79  27489018
Email: sjprashant@gmail.com
www.humanrightsindia.in

Saturday, April 28, 2012

A Gujarat Jesuit Looks Towards 2020 (through the lens of Human Rights and Justice) by Fr Cedric Prakash









A GUJARAT JESUIT LOOKS TOWARDS 2020

(through the lens of Human Rights and Justice)

 

-Fr. Cedric Prakash sj*

 

Dear Brothers,

 

It is good to be here! I want to thank Fr. Ashok Vaghela and the organizing team of our Province Days for inviting me to share my insights as to what we should do in order to better prepare ourselves to actualize the dreams for 2020, in the context of the reality we live in, and through the lens of Human Rights and Justice.

 

Charism:

At the outset, it is important for me to share with you in brief a personal journey which has its source in the charism in the Society of Jesus.  Our charism, we all know, is a product which springs forth from many different dimensions of our Society's growth: the vision of our founder, his personal journey, the spiritual exercises, the Constitutions, the General Congregations over the years, etc.

 

I was born into the Society of Jesus in 1974, the year GC 32 began.  As a novice first, and later on as a junior, perhaps the single most "Jesuit dimension" that fired my spirit and imagination was Decree 4 'Our Mission Today: The Service of Faith and Promotion of Justice' which while reemphasizing the charism of the Society of Jesus called for new responses to the various challenges which the world faced; this response, reiterated GC 32, has 'to be total, corporate, rooted in faith and experience and multi-form'. Decree 4 makes no bones about what Jesuit mission is all about and how it should adapt itself to changing times and through relevant responses.

 

GC 34 went a step ahead and in Decree 2 'Servants of Christ's Mission' directed that, "More recently we have become increasingly aware of other dimensions of this struggle of justice.  Respect for the dignity of the human person created in the image of God underlies the growing international consciousness of the full range of human rights." (# 6).  Therefore, "in each of our different apostolates, we must create communities of solidarity in seeking justice.  Working together with our colleagues, every Jesuit ministry can and should promote justice in one or more of the following ways: (a) direct service and accompaniment of the poor; (b) developing awareness of the demands of justice joined to the social responsibility to achieve it; (c) participating in social mobilization for the creation of a more just social order." (# 19)…and further, "the Society continues to insist on the promotion of justice.  Why? Because it corresponds to our very spirituality….The promotion of justice signifies a call for the Society to insert ourselves even more profoundly in the concrete lives of peoples and nations – as they actually are and not as we think they ought to be." (# 73)

 

Finally, GC 35, in the key Decree 2, 'A fire that kindles other fires', states "The service of faith and the promotion of justice, indissolubly united, remain at the heart of our mission" (# 15), and in Decree 3, 'Challenges to our Mission Today' emphatically describes the mission of Jesus saying, "he spoke to the powerful, challenging them to a change of heart.  He showed special love for the sinner, the poor widow, and the lost sheep.  The kingdom of God, which he constantly preached, became a vision for a world where all relationships are reconciled in God.  Jesus confronted the powers that oppose this kingdom, and that opposition led him to death on the cross, a death which he freely accepted in keeping with his mission." ( # 14)

 

As Jesuits, none of us should ever doubt the fact that the promotion of human rights and justice is a non-negotiable and integral dimension of our Jesuit charism, even as our mission today beckons to new frontiers.

 

 

 

 

 

Context:

Having positioned ourselves in the directives and the thrust given to us by our last General Congregations, it is important for us to look at the reality of Gujarat today.

 

There is no doubt, that Gujarat, as a people and as a State, has made rapid strides in many fields over the past many years. An outsider to the State is always "charmed" by the good roads, the apparent prosperity in the cities reflected in the shopping malls and the high-rise buildings that catch one's attention; that electricity is "available" almost round the clock. (no one highlights the fact that electricity per unit in Gujarat is the highest in the country. And of course, only the urban areas and the rich rural areas are beneficiaries to this).  Then again, people often speak of the premier institutions (like the IIM, NID, PRL, etc), the Expressways, the BRTS line of Ahmedabad etc – but these in fact are national or autonomous units / initiatives which have nothing to do with the State.

 

Besides, if we just spend sometime, we would realise that plenty that is being flaunted about the so-called progress and prosperity of the State is merely due to a propaganda blitz – through 'paid media' and through a Washington based publicist company 'Apco Worldwide' which boasts among its clients several dictators and fascist regimes from across the world.  The dictum is Goebbelsian, 'tell a lie a thousand times and people will believe it is the truth!'

 

But scratch the surface a bit, and we find a reality which will make one grimace and even struggle for breath!

 

These include:

  • the gap between the rich and the poor grows wider and wider
  • cosmetic development policies help a few but are detrimental to the large majority, very particularly the poor and the marginalized
  • environmental laws are blatantly flouted
  • adivasis, dalits and other sub-alterns are denied basic human rights
  • Muslims and Christians are treated as second-class citizens – many of them do not have access to quality education, good employment and other basic amenities needed for a citizen
  • most of the victim-survivors of the Gujarat Carnage 2002 are still struggling for justice
  • a good percentage of the Muslims are confined to ghettoes in urban and rural Gujarat
  • corruption is highly institutionalized in the State
  • the recent report (March 2012) of the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) on Gujarat revealed a Rs. 17,000 crore loss to the State exchequer due to corruption and financial irregularities
  • "encounter" deaths are rampant in Gujarat besides there have been more than 180 other custodial deaths in the last few years in the State
  • salt-pan workers in the Kutch area have to travel 15 to 20 kms away to get potable drinking water
  • the clear nexus between Government and some of the corporate sectors raises serious issues with regard to land acquisition, displacement, tax-payer's money being used for the purpose of industries, etc.
  • thousands of fishermen all along the coast have lost their livelihood because of certain ports and other mega-projects
  • a Government of Gujarat profile of 18,066 villages of the State has revealed that a significant percentage of the villages of the State do not have potable drinking water, toilets or educational facilities
  • Gujarat ranks a poor 12th in the country in issuing forest land to the tribals
  • the Sabarmati River "is one of the most toxic rivers" in the country
  • a recent report ranks Gujarat 18th in the increasing crime graft making it one of the least peaceful States of the country
  • a fairly significant sections of the population is still involved in manual scavenging
  • there is big hype about 'vibrant Gujarat' but the fact is just 15% of the MOUs signed during the first four Summits materialized into investments
  • the Freedom of Religion Act,  2003 is one of the most draconian laws in the country
  • freedom of speech and expression is consistently and subtly attacked in this State
  • sex ratio has dipped to a new low with just 918 females to a 1,000 males as against the national average of 940 (female foeticide is rampant)
  • child labour is rampant in Gujarat with thousands working in the cotton fields of Sabarkantha, the brick-kilns, in the 'kitlis', and in several other areas of the unorganized sector
  • the 2011 Human Development Report of India states that hunger and malnutrition (are) worse in Gujarat than in India's other large states.  According to the report, almost 45 percent of children in Gujarat are malnourished.  A larger percentage of children go to bed hungry in Gujarat, one of India's richest states, than in Uttar Pradesh, one of its poorest. ((from the International Herald Tribune  April 24th, 2012)
  • in terms of infant and maternal mortality, Gujarat's record during the decade that Modi has run the State is poorer than that of the country at large.  In 2006-2010, life expectancy in Gujarat was two years shorter than the national average (about 66 years).  Gujarat ranked 17th among all Indian states in terms of literacy in 2001, the year Modi took over.  Now it ranks 18th. (from the International Herald Tribune  April 24th, 2012)

 

The list is endless indeed, and one can go on listing the many human rights violations and injustices which abound in the State of Gujarat, which is home to us Jesuits! 

 

Challenges:

There is no doubt, that the Society of Jesus in Gujarat has done outstanding and pioneering work in every possible field, particularly for the poor and marginalized here. Some of our great visionaries and pioneers are here with us today.  For their painstaking efforts, 'for giving and not counting the cost', we all need to be profoundly grateful to them. Personally, I salute them!

 

However, as Companions of Jesus, we need to be greatly troubled by the reality which is the lot of our people today. We need to be challenged by this reality.  We need to revisit the mandate each one of us has been given and see how best we can actualize our dreams for 2020…..through a collective vision and concerted action.

 

In the context of the Gujarat reality, we definitely could / should be doing several things; among them:

 

v     to ensure a paradigm shift in our mission (we need to immediately get out of the benefactor / welfare approach and start accompanying the people in their quest for human rights, justice and a more dignified life)

v     to make our mission truly encompassing and inclusive, with a faith-justice mandate being the overriding factor in every ministry

v     to prepare 'men for and of the magis' demanding that from the very start of their formation, they immerse themselves in the real issues of the ordinary people of Gujarat

v     to establish centres of excellence which will engage in serious reflection and research, produce relevant literature on major social issues, hold public debates, engage in Advocacy on the pressing issues of our times and be open for all men and women of goodwill

v     to mainstream Human Rights Education in all our schools, very particularly from Standards VI to VIII

v     to promote human values among all sections of society: a lifestyle which is simple; a clear definite stand against consumerism, corruption, the criminalization of society, communalism and casteism

v     to be sensitive about the persons we identify with; very particularly in inviting dubious persons as Chief Guests / Guests of Honour to our institutions, or being co-opted by them for the sake of privileges, favours or petty gifts

v     to take a stand against communal fascist and divisive forces who divide society, particularly on grounds of religion, caste and class

v     to collaborate more effectively and meaningfully  with other  religious (particularly Sisters), the laity and others, on human rights issues – (as JESA is currently doing with regard to Right to Food Campaign); to trust and empower our laity much more.

v     to keep our doors / gates of our institutions more and more open to other men and women of goodwill, invite them and join them in our common quest for a more just and humane Gujarat

v     to engage with people's movements of our times even at the risk of losing the goodwill we might have generated from among the rich, powerful and influential of society

v     to never fear taking a stand against powerful vested interests (whoever they are) even if it means losing (some of our material, 'rights and privileges')

v     to get out-of-our-boxes; the security of our 'comfort zones'

v     to play a PROPHETIC role in Gujarat today

 

Conclusion:

Finally, the defining quality of St. Ignatius of Loyola is that he always took a stand and wanted his companions (WE- each one of us) to take a stand, whether it be in the Kingdom Contemplation or on the meditation of the Two Standards.  (St. Ignatius never wanted compromises or half-hearted measures); 'mediocrity', he was convinced, had no place in the formation or in the life of a Jesuit. 

 

As Society of Jesus in Gujarat, what are the choices as we move towards 2020?  It is clear, that we have to take a stand on the growing and glaring injustices and human rights violations that are all around us.  We need to respond to the cries of our people. We need to be like Ignatius, men of VISION…. more VISIBLE and more VOCAL in taking sides with the poor, the marginalized and other vulnerable communities of our State.

 

Some may say that there are other avenues, other possibilities of actualizing our dreams. There is no argument about that but let's ask ourselves first, if we have the courage to sit, in humility, on the ass of St. Ignatius and allow the Lord's Spirit to lead us towards a more meaningful 2020?

 

Thank you very much!

 

 

 

 

(This Presentation was made at the Gujarat Province Days with the theme 'ISUSANGI SANGHYATRA…..TOWARDS TWENTY - TWENTY'  held at Rosary School, Baroda on 27th April, 2012)

 

 

 

(*Fr. Cedric Prakash SJ is the Director of PRASHANT, the Ahmedabad based Jesuit Centre for Human Rights, Justice and Peace)

-- 


PRASHANT 
-  A Centre for Human Rights, Justice and Peace
 
Street Address : (For COURIER)
Hill Nagar, Near Kamdhenu Hall, Drive-in Road, Ahmedabad - 380052, Gujarat, India
Postal Address (ONLY for ORDINARY MAIL):
 P B 4050, Navrangpura PO, Ahmedabad - 380 009, Gujarat, India
 
Phone : +91  79   27455913,  66522333
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www.humanrightsindia.in